Author: attendancework.org
miércoles, 29 de junio de 2016
Truancy Prevention
Habitual truancy can be defined as unexcused absences from school by a minor that exceed the
number of such absences allowed under state law. Each state has its own school attendance
laws, which specify:
• The age at which a child must begin school
• The age at which a youth can legally drop out of school
• The number of unexcused absences that constitute truancy under the law (National Center for School Engagement N.d.)
There are variations across the states in the mandatory starting age for school and the legal dropout age and variations across jurisdictions in the legally permissible number of unexcused absences from school (Education Commission of the States 2007) While truancy is widely acknowledged to be a nationwide problem, data collection and reporting issues at the school, local, and state levels make it difficult to find data that delineates the full extent of the problem (Heilbrunn 2007).
Data is available from petitioned truancy cases, but since most truancy cases never reach a petition status this data can only suggest the breadth of the truancy problem. Between 1995 and 2005, the number of petitioned truancy cases increased from 32,800 to 52,400, an increase of 60 percent (Puzzanchera and Sickmund 2008).
The largest relative increases were seen for 16- and 17-year-olds. Chronic truancy and absence (which includes excused and unexcused absences) often start early. Nauer, White, and Yerneni (2008), for instance, reported that 20 percent of elementary school students (90,000) in New York City schools missed at least a month of school during the 2007–08 school year. There were five districts where 30 percent of more of the elementary school students were chronically absent.
Data from the Baltimore (Md.) Education Research Project showed that more than one third of the first grade cohort was chronically absent (that is, missed 1 or more months of schooling in 1 year) during at least 1 of the first 5 years in school (Balfanz et al. 2008). This early pattern lays the groundwork for the poor graduation rates from high school.
Source:
Attwood, Gaynor, and Paul Croll. 2006. “Truancy in Secondary School Pupils: Prevalence, Trajectories and Pupil Perspectives.” Research Papers in Education 21(4):467–84.
Baker, Myriam L., Jane Naby Sigmon, and M. Elaine Nugent. 2001. Truancy Reduction: Keeping Students in School. Bulletin. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
Balfanz, Robert, Rachel Durham, Stephen Plank, and others. 2008. Lost Days: Patterns and Levels of Chronic Absenteeism Among Baltimore City Public School Students 1999–2000 to 2005–06. Baltimore, Md.: Baltimore Education Research Consortium
• The age at which a child must begin school
• The age at which a youth can legally drop out of school
• The number of unexcused absences that constitute truancy under the law (National Center for School Engagement N.d.)
There are variations across the states in the mandatory starting age for school and the legal dropout age and variations across jurisdictions in the legally permissible number of unexcused absences from school (Education Commission of the States 2007) While truancy is widely acknowledged to be a nationwide problem, data collection and reporting issues at the school, local, and state levels make it difficult to find data that delineates the full extent of the problem (Heilbrunn 2007).
Data is available from petitioned truancy cases, but since most truancy cases never reach a petition status this data can only suggest the breadth of the truancy problem. Between 1995 and 2005, the number of petitioned truancy cases increased from 32,800 to 52,400, an increase of 60 percent (Puzzanchera and Sickmund 2008).
The largest relative increases were seen for 16- and 17-year-olds. Chronic truancy and absence (which includes excused and unexcused absences) often start early. Nauer, White, and Yerneni (2008), for instance, reported that 20 percent of elementary school students (90,000) in New York City schools missed at least a month of school during the 2007–08 school year. There were five districts where 30 percent of more of the elementary school students were chronically absent.
Data from the Baltimore (Md.) Education Research Project showed that more than one third of the first grade cohort was chronically absent (that is, missed 1 or more months of schooling in 1 year) during at least 1 of the first 5 years in school (Balfanz et al. 2008). This early pattern lays the groundwork for the poor graduation rates from high school.
Source:
Attwood, Gaynor, and Paul Croll. 2006. “Truancy in Secondary School Pupils: Prevalence, Trajectories and Pupil Perspectives.” Research Papers in Education 21(4):467–84.
Baker, Myriam L., Jane Naby Sigmon, and M. Elaine Nugent. 2001. Truancy Reduction: Keeping Students in School. Bulletin. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
Balfanz, Robert, Rachel Durham, Stephen Plank, and others. 2008. Lost Days: Patterns and Levels of Chronic Absenteeism Among Baltimore City Public School Students 1999–2000 to 2005–06. Baltimore, Md.: Baltimore Education Research Consortium
School Truancy: A Case Study of A Successful Truancy Reduction Model In the Public School
Unexcused school absenteeism, truancy, is not a new
problem, but a historically present problem that has over the
last decade received newfound attention as the lack of school
attendance and its link with student delinquency has become
more clearly identified. In 1993, “more than two-thirds of all
school absences [nationwide] were non-illness-related” with
absence rates reaching thirty percent each day in some
communities. In 2002, more than 70,000 students every day
were out of school in Colorado alone. These statistics have monumental social ramifications because truancy is often one
of the first and best indicators of academic failure, suspension,
expulsion, delinquency, and later adult crime. School attendance laws were first adopted by
Massachusetts in 1852 as a way to curb child labor. By 1900,
thirty-two states had compulsory school attendance laws, and
by 1918 every state had some form of school attendance law. However, these laws were ineffective in that they were seldom
enforced and relied on the “push out” method of school policy
enforcement, rather than addressing the underlying issues of
truancy and developing ways to keep students in school. Truant youths are often absent from school for such a
period of time that it is difficult if not impossible for them to
catch up. “This leads to further disengagement from school,
from teachers and ultimately can lead to serious anti-social
behavior like juvenile delinquency.” The traditional method
for disciplining student delinquents is to exclude them. This
“push out” method sends a message to struggling students that
they are not wanted, ultimately forcing a student’s situation
from bad to worse.
Source:
Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 203; E.g. Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; see also Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 204. 34 Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4. 36 Spaethe, supra note 31, at 691; see also Bell et al., supra note 19, at 204;
Patricia Jenkins, School Delinquency and School Commitment, SOC. OF EDUC., 1995, at 221, 223. 37 Jenkins, supra note 36, at 225; see also Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4.
Source:
Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 203; E.g. Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; see also Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 204. 34 Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4. 36 Spaethe, supra note 31, at 691; see also Bell et al., supra note 19, at 204;
Patricia Jenkins, School Delinquency and School Commitment, SOC. OF EDUC., 1995, at 221, 223. 37 Jenkins, supra note 36, at 225; see also Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4.
School Truancy: A Case Study of A Successful Truancy Reduction Model In the Public School
Unexcused school absenteeism, truancy, is not a new
problem, but a historically present problem that has over the
last decade received newfound attention as the lack of school
attendance and its link with student delinquency has become
more clearly identified. In 1993, “more than two-thirds of all
school absences [nationwide] were non-illness-related” with
absence rates reaching thirty percent each day in some
communities. In 2002, more than 70,000 students every day
were out of school in Colorado alone. These statistics have monumental social ramifications because truancy is often one
of the first and best indicators of academic failure, suspension,
expulsion, delinquency, and later adult crime. School attendance laws were first adopted by
Massachusetts in 1852 as a way to curb child labor. By 1900,
thirty-two states had compulsory school attendance laws, and
by 1918 every state had some form of school attendance law. However, these laws were ineffective in that they were seldom
enforced and relied on the “push out” method of school policy
enforcement, rather than addressing the underlying issues of
truancy and developing ways to keep students in school. Truant youths are often absent from school for such a
period of time that it is difficult if not impossible for them to
catch up. “This leads to further disengagement from school,
from teachers and ultimately can lead to serious anti-social
behavior like juvenile delinquency.” The traditional method
for disciplining student delinquents is to exclude them. This
“push out” method sends a message to struggling students that
they are not wanted, ultimately forcing a student’s situation
from bad to worse.
Source:
Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 203; E.g. Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; see also Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 204. 34 Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4. 36 Spaethe, supra note 31, at 691; see also Bell et al., supra note 19, at 204;
Patricia Jenkins, School Delinquency and School Commitment, SOC. OF EDUC., 1995, at 221, 223. 37 Jenkins, supra note 36, at 225; see also Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4.
Appendix:
Author: Gonzales ET Al (2006)
Source:
Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 203; E.g. Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4; see also Bell ET AL., supra note 19, at 204. 34 Gonzales ET AL., supra note 2, at 6.
Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4. 36 Spaethe, supra note 31, at 691; see also Bell et al., supra note 19, at 204;
Patricia Jenkins, School Delinquency and School Commitment, SOC. OF EDUC., 1995, at 221, 223. 37 Jenkins, supra note 36, at 225; see also Heilbrunn & Seeley, supra note 3, at 4.
Appendix:
Author: Gonzales ET Al (2006)
Truancy Reduction: Keeping Students in School
Truancy, or unexcused absence from school, has been linked to serious delinquent activity in youth and to significant negative behavior and characteristics in adults.1 As a risk factor for delinquent behavior in youth, truancy has been found to be related to substance abuse, gang activity, and involvement in criminal activities such as burglary, auto theft, and vandalism (Bell, Rosen, and Dynlacht, 1994; Dryfoos, 1990; Garry, 1996; Huizinga, Loeber, and Thornberry, 1995; Rohrman, 1993). Much of the work in the area of developmental pathways to delinquency shows that these behavioral problems often are followed by progressively more serious behavioral and adjustment problems in adulthood, including an increased propensity for violent behavior (Bell, Rosen, and Dynlacht, 1994; Dryfoos, 1990; Kelley et al., 1997). Further, adults who were frequently truant as teenagers are much more likely than those who were not to have poorer health and mental health, lower paying jobs, an increased chance of living in poverty, more reliance on welfare support, children who exhibit problem behaviors, and an increased likelihood of incarceration (Bell, Rosen, and Dynlacht, 1994; Dryfoos, 1990; Hawkins and Catalano, 1995; Ingersoll and LeBoeuf, 1997; Rohrman, 1993).
Source:
Baker, M.L. 2000. Evaluation of the Truancy
Reduction Demonstration Program: Interim
Report. Denver, CO: Colorado Foundation
for Families and Children.
Bell, A.J., Rosen, L.A., and Dynlacht, D.
1994.
Truancy intervention. The Journal
of Research and Development in Education
57(3):203–211.
Bernat, F.P. 1996. Survey Evaluation for
the Governor’s Division for Children: State
Truancies and Unexcused Absences. Final
Report. Phoenix, AZ: Governor’s Division
for Children.
Bureau of Labor Statistics. 2001. A Profile
of the Working Poor, 1999. Report 947.
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor,
Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Catalano, F.R., Arthur, M.W., Hawkins, J.D.,
Berglund, L., and Olson, J.J. 1998. Comprehensive
community- and school-based
interventions to prevent antisocial behavior.
In Serious and Violent Juvenile
Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful
Interventions, edited by R. Loeber and
D. Farrington. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications, Inc.
Dryfoos, J.G. 1990.
Adolescents at Risk:
Prevalence and Prevention. New York, NY:
Oxford University Press.
Truant issues in our society
Should
parents be held accountable for their child's attendance and behavior at
school?
Should
students who skip school unexcused be held accountable?
We
think absolutely YES!
Is
this a problem?
You bet.
You bet.
Not
as bad this past year as the year before...but bad.
More
than 60,000 unexcused absences last year in Montgomery Public Schools.
More
than 70,000 the year before.
These
students weren't Ferris Buehler and directing marching bands when they
skipped.
State
law says parents are responsible but right now that is not being enforced -
obviously.
So
next week the city council will vote on a proposed ordinance aimed at stopping
this problem.
Students
who are truant and wandering the streets can be picked up by law enforcement
officers and taken to a designated center.
Parents
of children who are truant or continue to behave badly in school could be fined
or jailed if their child's actions continue.
Sounds
drastic but drastic action is needed.
Creating
an environment conducive to learning should be a priority and holding all
accountable will help teachers, administrators and most importantly, the
students themselves. (Jenner, 2013)
Source:
Jenner, R. (Octubre de 2013). Truancy troubles.
Obtenido de
http://www.cleveland19.com/story/8904605/editorial-truancy-troubles
jueves, 9 de junio de 2016
Ways to End Homeless and Houseless
There is a growing body of knowledge that helps us understand the nature of the problem and points the way to effective and sustainable solutions. The recommendations below highlight some of these key directions:
1. Communities should develop and implement clear plans to end homelessness, supported by all levels of government: Ending homelessness can feel like an impossible task given the overwhelming scope of the problem and its apparent complexity. But recent research and community experience with developing and implementing plans to end homelessness in Canada, the U.S., Europe and Australia, have highlighted how homelessness can be ended.
2. All levels of government must work to increase the supply of affordable housing: Ultimately, reducing homelessness is going to rely on adequate market rental, affordable rental and deep subsidy rental housing including Permanent Supportive Housing. Canada will not see a sustained reduction in homelessness without a significant increase in the affordable housing supply. The Federal government plays an important, but not exclusive, role in that housing infrastructure.
3. Communities – and all levels of government – should embrace Housing First: Housing First need not only be considered a program response. It is best applied as a philosophy that underpins plans to end homelessness, as part of a broader and more strategic response that ensures that all parts of the system support the Housing First agenda and that dedicated programs deliver the service. The success of the At Home/Chez Soi project demonstrates that Housing First Works. The successful application of the model in communities across the country demonstrates how it can be done and adapted to different contexts.
No housing readiness requirements
Choice and self determination
Individualized support services Harm reduction
Social and community integration
4. Eliminating chronic and episodic homelessness should be prioritized: The chronically homeless often face higher levels of victimization, poorer health, high instances of substance abuse and mental health concerns. The longer an individual remains homeless, the more entrenched these issues become and the likelihood of effective intervention decreases. Though small in numbers, these individuals utilize a large portion of emergency services across the homeless sector but also in health, criminal justice and social services. Effective intervention for the chronically homeless requires an intensive, client-centered approach built on trust and long-term support.
5. Ending Aboriginal Homelessness should be prioritized as both a distinct category of action and part of the overall strategy to end homelessness: Homelessness in Aboriginal communities is disproportionately high, especially in urban areas. As such, it should be prioritized in order to reduce discrimination and the legacy of cultural disruption. At the same time, strategies to end homelessness must include components that address issues of Aboriginal Homelessness (along with other distinct and marginalized groups such as racialized communities, or LGBTQ youth).
Source:
-Crewson, B., Moreno, A., Thompson, D., Kerr-Southin, M. (2011). Streets to Homes Pilot Program Evaluation. Victoria: Greater Victoria Coalition to End Homelessness.
-Dachner, N., and Tarasuk, V. (2013). Homeless Youth, Nutritional Vulnerability, and Community Food Assistance Programs. In S. Gaetz, B. O’Grady, K. Buccieri, J. Karabanow, & A. Marsolais (Eds.) Youth homelessness in Canada: Implications for policy and practice. Toronto: Canadian Homelessness Research Network Press.
-Dunlop, J. (2006). Privatization: how government promotes market based solutions to social problems. Crit Soc Work; 7.
-Eberle, M., Kraus, D., Pomeroy, S., & Hulchanski, D. (2001). Homelessness - Causes & Effects: The Costs of Homelessness in British Columbia. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Social Development and Economic Security.
-Eberle, M., Krauss, D., Serge, L. (2009). Results of the pilot study to estimate the size of the hidden homeless population in Metro Vancouver.
Causes of Homelessness and Houselessness
People who are homeless are not a distinct and separate population. In fact the line between being homeless and not being homeless is quite fluid. In general, the pathways into and out of homelessness are neither linear nor uniform. Individuals and families who wind up homeless may not share much in common with each other, aside from the fact that they are extremely vulnerable, and lack adequate housing and income and the necessary supports to ensure they stay housed. The causes of homelessness reflect an intricate interplay between structural factors, systems failures and individual circumstances. Homelessness is usually the result of the cumulative impact of a number of factors, rather than a single cause.
Structural factors: are economic and societal issues that affect opportunities and social environments for individuals. Key factors can include the lack of adequate income, access to affordable housing and health supports and/or the experience of discrimination.
Systems failures: occur when other systems of care and support fail, requiring vulnerable people to turn to the homelessness sector, when other mainstream services could have prevented this need.
Individual and relational factors: apply to the personal circumstances of a homeless person, and may include: traumatic events (e.g. house fire or job loss), personal crisis (e.g. family break-up or domestic violence), mental health and addictions challenges (including brain injury and fetal alcohol syndrome), which can be both a cause and consequence of homelessness and physical health problems or disabilities.
Source:
-Alberta Human Services (2011). Income Support - Alberta Human Services - Government of Alberta. Retrieved from: http://humanservices. alberta.ca/financial-support/689.html. Alliance to End Homelessness in Ottawa. (2012). Report Card on Ending Homelessness in Ottawa January-December 2012. Retrieved From: http://www.endhomelessnessottawa.ca/homelessness/documents/ReportCardonEndingHomelessnessinOttawaJanDec2012.pdf
-Aubry, T., Farrell, S., Hwang, S. & Calhoun, M. (2013). Identifying the Patterns of Emergency Shelter Stays of Single Individuals in Canadian Cities of Different Sizes. Housing Studies, 2013:3-12.
-Belanger, Y., Weasel Head, G., & Awosoga, O. (2012). Assessing Urban Aboriginal Housing and Homelessness in Canada. Ottawa: National Association of Friendship Centres (NAFC) and the Office of the Federal Interlocutor for Métis and Non-Status Indians (OFI), Ottawa,
-Ontario Burczycka, M. & Cotter, A. (2011). Shelters for Abused Women in Canada, 2010. Jurisdat, Component of Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. Calgary Homeless Foundation (2011). Calgary’s 10 Year Plan to End Homelessness 2008-2011. Retrieved from: http://calgaryhomeless. com/assets/10-Year-Plan/10-year-plan-FINALweb.pdf
Appendix:
Author: Gulliver, T. (2014)
Author: Gulliver, T. (2014)
Who are Homeless and Houseless?
While homelessness can affect any number of people, we do know that some groups of people are more likely to be homeless than others. Single adult males, between the ages of 25 and 55, account for almost half of the homeless population in Canada (47.5%), according to a Government of Canada study.
-YOUTH: Youth make up about 20% of the homelessness population, though the prevalence rate is the same for adult men.
-ABORIGINAL PEOPLE: First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples are overrepresented amongst homeless populations in most communities in Canada. This necessitates the inclusion of their historical, experiential and cultural differences, as well as experiences with colonization and racism, in consideration of Aboriginal homelessness.
-WOMEN AND FAMILIES: Violence and poverty are the main causes of homelessness for women and families. There is some evidence that family homelessness is a growing problem in Canada.
In 2013, According to CAEH (Canadian Alliance to End Homelessness) says:
Based on our estimate of the total number of homeless people who use shelters on an annual basis
(200,000), we can project the following numbers of chronic, episodic and transitionally homeless
persons in Canada:
CHRONIC HOMELESS: 4,000 to 8,000
EPISODIC HOMELESS: 6,000 to 22,000
TRANSITIONALLY HOMELESS: 176,000 to 188,000
-Statistics Canada (2013). Table 282-0116 - Labour force survey estimates (LFS), by census metropolitan area based on 2006 census boundaries, 3-month moving average, seasonally adjusted and unadjusted, monthly (persons unless otherwise noted), CANSIM (database). Retrieved from: http://www5.statcan.gc.ca/cansim/a26?lang=eng&retrLang= eng&id=2820116&paSer=&pattern=&stByVal=1&p1=1&p2=37&tabMode=dataTable&csid=
- Murphy, B., Zhang, X. and Dionne, C. (2012). Low Income in Canada: a Multi-line and Multi-index Perspective. Income Research Paper Series. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, pp.59-61.
- The Province of British Columbia (2007). Rate Tables Income Assistance - Ministry of Social Development and Social Innovation, Province of British Columbia. Retrieved from: http://www.hsd.gov.bc.ca/mhr/ia.htm.
-Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (2008). Canadian Housing Observer: “Ownership Rates, Canada, Provinces, Territories and Metropolitan Areas, 1971–2006. Retrieved from: http://www.cmhc-schl.gc.ca/en/corp/ about/cahoob/data/upload/Table8_EN_w.xls
- Murphy, B., Zhang, X. and Dionne, C. (2012). Low Income in Canada: a Multi-line and Multi-index Perspective. Income Research Paper Series. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, pp.59-61.
- The Province of British Columbia (2007). Rate Tables Income Assistance - Ministry of Social Development and Social Innovation, Province of British Columbia. Retrieved from: http://www.hsd.gov.bc.ca/mhr/ia.htm.
-Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (2008). Canadian Housing Observer: “Ownership Rates, Canada, Provinces, Territories and Metropolitan Areas, 1971–2006. Retrieved from: http://www.cmhc-schl.gc.ca/en/corp/ about/cahoob/data/upload/Table8_EN_w.xls
Appendix:
Author: Flores, R. (2005)
Author: Flores, R. (2005)
What is Homeless and Houseless?
A homeless individual is defined in section 330(h)(5)(A) as “an individual who lacks housing (without regard to whether the individual is a member of a family), including an individual whose primary residence during the night is a supervised public or private facility (e.g., shelters) that provides temporary living accommodations, and an individual who is a resident in transitional housing.” A homeless person is an individual without permanent housing who may live on the streets; stay in a shelter, mission, single room occupancy facilities, abandoned building or vehicle; or in any other unstable or non-permanent situation.
While Houseless person is defined like "someone who lives on the streets, they don't need a home to live in. They don't need a roof over their head. Their home is the streets."
Differences Between Homeless and Houseless:
Many think so, but they are different and overlap. Many think that if you have a roof over your head – housed that is (shelter, rooming house, somebody’s couch) then you are not homeless. They think you are homeless only if you live outside, on the streets. They are wrong. If you don’t get the difference, think about it until you do. Read the words of the homeless veteran below and see if anything clicks. The old saying, “home is where the heart is” is quite valid and true. Just because a homeless person is in shelter or sleeping on a friend’s couch, or living in a cheap motel, doesn’t mean he or she is not still homeless.
They may be housed and homeless at the same time. This is a big issue and a terribly sore spot with the homeless. To them there is a world of difference; almost fighting words! There are homeless veterans and houseless veterans, two different levels of homeless, but don’t say that someone housed cannot be homeless. The houseless veteran is one that sleeps in a doorway or back alley or along some creek bank somewhere. The homeless veteran covers that and also the housed that cannot make a home out of their accomidations.
Differences Between Homeless and Houseless:
Many think so, but they are different and overlap. Many think that if you have a roof over your head – housed that is (shelter, rooming house, somebody’s couch) then you are not homeless. They think you are homeless only if you live outside, on the streets. They are wrong. If you don’t get the difference, think about it until you do. Read the words of the homeless veteran below and see if anything clicks. The old saying, “home is where the heart is” is quite valid and true. Just because a homeless person is in shelter or sleeping on a friend’s couch, or living in a cheap motel, doesn’t mean he or she is not still homeless.
They may be housed and homeless at the same time. This is a big issue and a terribly sore spot with the homeless. To them there is a world of difference; almost fighting words! There are homeless veterans and houseless veterans, two different levels of homeless, but don’t say that someone housed cannot be homeless. The houseless veteran is one that sleeps in a doorway or back alley or along some creek bank somewhere. The homeless veteran covers that and also the housed that cannot make a home out of their accomidations.
Homeless: Houseless:
Author: Schrdinger, I. (2005)
Source:
http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Houseless
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